Why are Romanians backing a pro-Russian president and what’s next?
The victory of pro-Russian nationalist and AUR party leader George Simion in the first round of Romania’s presidential election came as no surprise. Unfortunately for Ukraine and its allies, his support was slightly higher than predicted.
This means the far-right politician now has a realistic chance of becoming Romania’s next president.
So how did Romania – a country long seen as firmly anti-Putin – start backing pro-Russian presidential candidates?
Read more in the article by Sergiy Sydorenko, European Pravda's editor, who discussed the issue with Armand Goșu, a professor of the University of Bucharest: What to expect from "pro-Russian" Romania: how Simion’s victory could reshape the region.
Romania has been anti-Soviet and anti-Russian for decades. That may sound odd given current developments, but it hasn’t fundamentally changed.
A small portion of the electorate clearly understands that George Simion is pro-Russian. But many voters inside Romania – and a majority of Romanians abroad – don’t pay attention to what Simion has said recently about Ukraine, Russia or the EU. And when they do hear explanations about his positions, they often don’t believe them.
In fact, among his supporters, there is a myth that Simion is pro-American. But his past activities suggest otherwise, pointing to ties with Russia’s FSB and connections in Moscow. (Note: Several recent journalistic investigations in Romania have revealed Simion’s suspected pro-Russian operations in Moldova and the awarding of Russian contracts to his close associates.)
It’s paradoxical: people claim to be anti-Russian, yet they vote for George Simion, without seeing the contradiction, because for most Romanians, these elections aren’t really about Russia.
The main driver behind this shift is disillusionment with the two dominant political parties: the center-left PSD and the center-right PNL. Despite ongoing corruption scandals, these parties have managed to cling to power.
Russia’s agents are also skilled at inflating existing grievances and amplifying discontent. But the root cause lies in the government’s own actions and its persistent failure to communicate with citizens – both of which have eroded public trust.
Romania’s political elite was shocked when no candidate from the main parties made it to the second round. This revealed just how deeply voters distrust traditional ruling elites – even more than they do radicals.
A further blow came last year when the Constitutional Court politically annulled the first round of presidential elections – a move widely seen as a sign that the ruling class treats voters like fools.
Another notable trend: Simion won the first round largely thanks to support from the diaspora. He and his team traveled every weekend to Italy, Spain, Germany – even Ukraine – to campaign directly with Romanian communities abroad.
While the final election results are still pending, the most likely scenario now is a George Simion victory. If that happens, Romania could soon find itself with a pro-Russian government on NATO and the EU’s eastern border.
Still, there’s a chance to prevent this – and much will depend on how Brussels responds.